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This year also the celebration goes simultaneously in Keutia, North 24 Parganas of West Bengal, India as well as in the native place of the KAVIYAL in his birth place ,the home village DUMUDI situated in NARAIL, JASSORE in Bangladesh.
Anyone who has read the Hatred documentations of the Elite Bengali Intelligentsia dealing with Popular Literature and Celluloid would perhaps misunderstand the legacy of KAVIGAN as very Rustic, Crude and Obscene as we see in some so called classic Bengali Novels and Films titling around KAVI and KAVIAL!
The tradition is rather related with the uprising of the ENSLAVED Productive Forces INTO creativity as well as Insurrection. As in India, the Society is ruled by the laws of MANUSMRITI which deprived the majority Aboriginal Indigenous communities cursed as Shudras in VEDIC VARNASHRAM and later, divided further into SIX thousand castes hierarchical and graded in a counter revolution of the SCRIPTURE of Manusmriti after the DEMISE of the Great ASOKA Empire and Dynasty as well as Buddhism in India, during the tenure of King PUSHYAMITRA. Since the Vedic period the Aboriginal Indigenous majority Population in this subcontinent had been OUT CASTE, MARGINALISED and PERSECUTED. They were destined to live a BONDED LABOUR LIFE. DEPRIVED of Knowledge, empowerment, Human Rights and Dignity, Civil Right and Job Mobilisation, Freedom and Sovereignty.
In recent History of Bengal, Folk and Folklore played great role in Indigenous Aboriginal Insurrection against the Feudal and imperialist systems. Kavigaan should be traced in the line.
CHITTOSHUDDHI SATYANISTHA BINA ANYA CHINTA'
`JOBON KTHA AAR MANER BYATHA
AEI NIYE HOI GAANER KATHA'
HE SOUNDS QUITE MYSTIC WHILE HE WROTE THE LINES LIKE THESE:
`AAMI TO AEI GHARER MAALIK NOI,
DUI CHAAR DIN AACHHI TAI AEIGHARETE ROI'
`AAMAR RUP GELO JAUBON GELO MANER JWALA GELO NAA
EKE OKE SAKAL DILAM, MON-MANUSE MON DILAM NAA.'
`NASTO MEYE PASTO AAMI TOMADERI JONYE,
DHNIR TAKAI AAMRA BIKOI PANNEY.'
`BEKAR KHATAI NAAM LIKHIYE BEKAR BEDAI GHURE.
ROCKBJI AAR JHKMAARITE DAGDHO JIBON PUDE.'
NIRANJAN SARKAR/ NIRMALENDU SARKAR
VILLAGE AND POST KEUTIA
VIA KANKINARA
DIST: NORTH 24 PARGANS
PIN: 743126
PHONE: 033-25814035
MOBILE: 09830149154, 09433959719
Folk
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
- See also: Folk (disambiguation) and Volk (disambiguation)
English Folk "people" is derived from a Germanic noun *fulka meaning "people" or "army" (i.e. a crowd as opposed to "a people" in a more abstract sense of clan or tribe). The English word folk has cognates in most of the other Germanic languages. Folk may be a Germanic root that is unique to the Germanic languages. although Latin vulgus, "the common people", has been suggested as a possible cognate. [1]
[edit] Etymology
The Modern English word "folk", derives from Old English "folc" meaning "common people", "men", "tribe" or "multitude". The Old English noun itself came from Proto-Germanic "*fulka" which perhaps originally referred to a "host of warriors". Compare Old Norse "folk" meaning "people" but more so "army" or "detachment", German "Gefolge" (host), and Lithuanian "pulkas" meaning "crowd". The latter is considered to be an early Lithuanian loanword from Germanic origin, cf. Belarusian "полк" - "połk" meaning regiment and German "Pulk" for a group of persons standing together.
The word became colloquialized (usually in the plural "folks") in English in the sense "people", and was considered unelegant by the beginning of the 19th century. It re-entered academic English through the invention of the word folklore in 1846 by the antiquarian William J. Thoms (1803-85) as an Anglo-Saxonism. This word revived folk in a modern sense of "of the common people, whose culture is handed down orally", and opened up a flood of compound formations, eg. folk art (1921), folk-hero (1899), folk-medicine (1898), folk-tale (1891), folk-song (1847), folk-dance (1912). Folk-music is from 1889; in reference to the branch of modern popular music (originally associated with Greenwich Village in New York City) it dates from 1958. It is also regional music.
[edit] Cognates in other Germanic language
Folk has a cognate in almost every other Germanic language, all deriving from Proto-Germanic "*fulka", some are listed below:
- Danish - folk
- Dutch - volk
- Swedish - folk
- Frisian - folk
- Norwegian - folk
- Icelandic - fólk
- Faroese - fólk
- German - Volk
- Afrikaans - volk
- Scots - fowk
In all Germanic languages, the variant of "folk" means "people" or something related to the people.
[edit] Volk in German
[edit] Background
In German the word Volk can have several different meanings, such as folk (simple people), people in the ethnic sense, and nation.
German Volk is commonly used as the first, determing part (head) of compound nouns such as Volksentscheid (plebiscite, lit. "decision of/by the people") or Völkerbund (League of Nations), or the car manufacturer Volkswagen (literally, "people's car").
[edit] 19th century and early 20th century
A number of völkisch movements existed prior to World War I. Combining interest in folklore, ecology, occultism and romanticism with ethnic nationalism, their ideologies were a strong influence on the Nazi party, which itself was inspired by Adolf Hitler's membership of the Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (German Workers' Party), even though Hitler in Mein Kampf himself denounced usage of the word völkisch as he considered it too vague as to carry any recognizable meaning due to former over-use. Today, the term völkisch is largely restricted to historical contexts describing the closing 19th century and early 20th century up to Hitler's seize of power in 1933, especially during the years of the Weimar Republic.
[edit] Nazi era
During the years of the Third Reich, the term Volk became heavily used in nationalistic political slogans, particularly in slogans such as Volk ohne Raum — "(a) people without space" or Völkischer Beobachter ("popular observer"), an NSDAP party newspaper. Also the political slogan Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer ("One people, one country/empire, one leader"); and the compound word Herrenvolk, translated as "master race".
Even though Hitler in his book Mein Kampf often mixed up specific biological and zoological terms such as race, species, and others, the Nazi-era use of Volk could not, depending on context, be interpreted as "race", "Germanic", or "European." In Nazi propaganda, several peoples made up a race, so these two terms did not denote the same thing during the Nazi years. The German people was considered part of the Germanic race which latter officially included the Scandinavians, the English, and the Dutch as well (while Hitler himself also included the Celts), so Volk did not equal Germanic either. Nazi-era publications on pre-history only differed whether their Germanic race equalled the Indo-European race or the Germanic race itself was part of a family of Indo-European races, since indogermanisch is the common German term for Indo-European.
[edit] Today
Because Volk is the generic German word for "people" in the ethnic sense today as well as for "people entitled to vote" (Wahlvolk), its use does not necessarily denote any particular political views in post-1945 Germany. However, because of its past, the word is rarely used with Bevölkerung ("population") serving as a substitute.
[edit] References
- Henning Eichberg (2004), The People of Democracy. Understanding Self-Determination on the Basis of Body and Movement. (= Movement Studies. 5) Århus: Klim (Theory of folk, people, and civil society with Scandinavian background)
- Emerich K. Francis (1965) Ethnos und Demos. Soziologische Beiträge zur Volkstheorie. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot (classical German-American sociology of folk, ethnos and demos)
- Emerich K. Francis (1976) Interethnic Relations. An Essay in Sociological Theory. New York u.a.: Elsevier.
- Raphael Samuel (1981) (ed.), People’s History and Socialist Theory. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
- ^ Calvert Watkins (ed.), The American Heritage Dictionary of Indo-European Roots, second edition (Houghton Mifflin, 2000) ISBN 0-618-08250-6
Folklore
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 | This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding reliable references. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (April 2008) |
Folklore is the body of expressive culture, including tales, music, dance, legends, oral history, proverbs, jokes, popular beliefs, customs, and so forth within a particular population comprising the traditions (including oral traditions) of that culture, subculture, or group. It is also the set of practices through which those expressive genres are shared. The academic and usually ethnographic study of folklore is sometimes called folkloristics. The word 'folklore' was first used by the English antiquarian William Thoms in a letter published by the London Journal Athenaeum in 1846.[1]
[edit] History
The concept of folklore developed as part of the 19th century ideology of romantic nationalism, leading to the reshaping of oral traditions to serve modern ideological goals; only in the 20th century did ethnographers begin to attempt to record folklore without overt political goals. The Brothers Grimm, Wilhelm and Jakob Grimm, collected orally transmitted German tales and published the first series as Kinder- und Hausmärchen ("Children's and Household Tales") in 1812.
The term was coined in 1846 by an Englishman, William Thoms, who wanted to use an Anglo-Saxon term for what was then called "popular antiquities." Johann Gottfried von Herder first advocated the deliberate recording and preservation of folklore to document the authentic spirit, tradition, and identity of the German people; the belief that there can be such authenticity is one of the tenets of the romantic nationalism which Herder developed. One definition is "artistic communication in small groups," coined by Dan Ben-Amos a scholar at the University of Pennsylvania, and the term, and the associated field of study, now include non-verbal art forms and customary practices.
[edit] Types of folklore
Folklore can be divided into four areas of study: artifact (such as voodoo dolls), describable and transmissible entity (oral tradition), culture, and behavior (rituals). These areas do not stand alone, however, as often a particular item or element may fit into more than one of these areas.[2]
[edit] Folklore as describable and transmissible entity
Folklore can contain religious or mythic elements, it equally concerns itself with the sometimes mundane traditions of everyday life. Folklore frequently ties the practical and the esoteric into one narrative package. It has often been conflated with mythology, and vice versa, because it has been assumed that any figurative story that does not pertain to the dominant beliefs of the time is not of the same status as those dominant beliefs. Thus, Roman religion is called "myth" by Christians. In that way, both "myth" and "folklore" have become catch-all terms for all figurative narratives which do not correspond with the dominant belief structure.
Sometimes "folklore" is religious in nature, like the tales of the Welsh Mabinogion or those found in Icelandic skaldic poetry. Many of the tales in the Golden Legend of Jacob de Voragine also embody folklore elements in a Christian context: examples of such Christian mythology are the themes woven round Saint George or Saint Christopher. In this case, the term "folklore" is being used in a pejorative sense. That is, while the tales of Odin the Wanderer have a religious value to the Norse who composed the stories, because it does not fit into a Christian configuration it is not considered "religious" by Christians who may instead refer to it as "folklore."
"Folktales" is a general term for different varieties of traditional narrative. The telling of stories appears to be a cultural universal, common to basic and complex societies alike. Even the forms folktales take are certainly similar from culture to culture, and comparative studies of themes and narrative ways have been successful in showing these relationships. Also it is considered to be an oral tale to be told for everybody.
On the other hand, folklore can be used to accurately describe a figurative narrative, which has no sacred or religious content. In the Jungian view, which is but one method of analysis, it may instead pertain to unconscious psychological patterns, instincts or archetypes of the mind. This may or may not have components of the fantastic (such as magic, ethereal beings or the personification of inanimate objects). These folktales may or may not emerge from a religious tradition, but nevertheless speak to deep psychological issues. The familiar folktale, "Hansel and Gretel," is an example of this fine line. The manifest purpose of the tale may primarily be one of mundane instruction regarding forest safety or secondarily a cautionary tale about the dangers of famine to large families, but its latent meaning may evoke a strong emotional response due to the widely understood themes and motifs such as “The Terrible Mother”, “Death,” and “Atonement with the Father.”
There can be both a moral and psychological scope to the work, as well as entertainment value, depending upon the nature of the teller, the style of the telling, the ages of the audience members, and the overall context of the performance. Folklorists generally resist universal interpretations of narratives and, wherever possible, analyze oral versions of tellings in specific contexts, rather than print sources, which often show the work or bias of the writer or editor.
Contemporary narratives common in the Western world include the urban legend. There are many forms of folklore that are so common, however, that most people do not realize they are folklore, such as riddles, children's rhymes and ghost stories, rumors (including conspiracy theories), gossip, ethnic stereotypes, and holiday customs and life-cycle rituals. UFO abduction narratives can be seen, in some sense, to refigure the tales of pre-Christian Europe, or even such tales in the Bible as the Ascent of Elijah to heaven. Adrienne Mayor, in introducing a bibliography on the topic, noted that most modern folklorists are largely unaware of classical parallels and precedents, in materials that are only partly represented by the familiar designation Aesopica: "Ancient Greek and Roman literature contains rich troves of folklore and popular beliefs, many of which have counterparts in modern contemporary legends" (Mayor, 2000).
Vladimir Propp's classic study Morphology of the Folktale (1928) became the basis of research into the structure of folklore texts. Propp discovered a uniform structure in Russian fairy tales. His book has been translated into English, Italian, Polish and other languages. The English translation was issued in USA in 1958, some 30 years after the publication of the original. It was met by approving reviews and significantly influenced later research on folklore and, more generally, structural semantics.Though his work was based on syntagmetic structure but it gave the scope to understand the structure of folktale where he discovered thirty one function of folktale[3]
[edit] Material culture
Elements such as dolls, decorative items used in religious rituals, hand-built houses and barns, and handmade clothing and other crafts are considered to be folk artifacts, grouped within the field as "material culture." Additionally, figures that depict characters from folklore, such as statues of the three wise monkeys may be considered to be folklore artifacts, depending on how they are used within a culture.[4] The operative definition would depend on whether the artifacts are used and appreciated within the same community in which they are made, and whether they follow a community aesthetic.
[edit] Culture as folklore
Folklorist William Bascom states that folklore has many cultural aspects, such as allowing for escape from societal consequences. In addition, folklore can also serve to validate a culture (romantic nationalism), as well as transmit a culture's morals and values. Folklore can also be the root of many cultural types of music. Folk, country, blues, and bluegrass all originate from American folklore. Examples of artists which have used folklore to produce beautiful music would be: Bill Monroe, Flatt and Scruggs, Old Crow Medicine Show, Jim Croce, and many others. Folklore can also be used to assert social pressures, or relieve them, in the case of humor and carnival.
In addition, folklorists study medical, supernatural, religious, and political belief systems as an essential, often unspoken, part of expressive culture.
[edit] Behavior as folklore
Many rituals can be considered folklore, whether formalized in a cultural or religious system (e.g. weddings, baptisms, harvest festivals) or practiced within a family or secular context. For example, in certain parts of the United States (as well as other countries) one places a knife, or a pair of scissors, under the mattress to "cut the birth pains" after giving birth. Additionally, children's counting-out games can be defined as behavioral folklore.[5]
[edit] Categories of folklore
- Genres
- Archetypes, stereotypes and stock characters.
- Ballad
- Blason Populaire
- Childlore
- Children's street culture
- Counting rhymes
- Costumbrismo
- Craft
- Custom
- Folk play
- Epic poetry
- Factoids
- Festival
- Folk art
- Folk belief
- Folk magic
- Folk medicine
- Folk metaphor
- Folk narrative
- Folk poetry and rhyme
- Folk simile
- Folk song
- Games
- Holiday lore and customs
- Mythology
- Riddle
- Saying
- Superstition
- Taunts
- Weather lore
- Xerox lore
- Archetypes, stereotypes and stock characters.
National or ethnic
- American folklore
- Australian folklore
- East Asian
- European
- Albanian folklore
- Alpine (Austrian and Swiss) folklore
- English folklore
- Estonian folklore
- Dutch folklore
- Finnish folklore
- French folklore
- German folklore
- Hungarian folklore
- Irish folklore
- Italian folklore
- Lithuanian folklore
- Maltese folklore
- Montenegrin folklore
- Romanian folklore
- Scandinavian folklore
- Scottish folklore
- Slavic folklore
- Swiss folklore
- Welsh folklore
- Albanian folklore
- Near Eastern
- South Asian
- Southeast Asian
[edit] See also
- Applied folklore
- Appropriation (music)
- Chinook wind
- Folk
- Intangible Cultural Heritage
- pashto Folklore
- Petrosomatoglyph (image of parts of a human or animal body incised in rock)
[edit] References
- ^ Georges, Robert A., Michael Owens Jones, "Folkloristics: An Introduction," Indiana University Press, 1995.
- ^ Georges, Robert A., Michael Owens Jones, "Folkloristics: An Introduction," pp.313 Indiana University Press, 1995.
- ^ L. V. Propp, Morphology of the Folktale, Second Edition, revised and edited with a Preface of Louis A. Wagner, University of Texas Press, 1968.
- ^ Wolfgang Mieder, "The Proverbial Three Wise Monkeys," Midwestern Journal of Language and Folklore 7 (1981):5-38.
- ^ Kenneth S. Goldstein, "Strategy in Counting Out: An Ethnographic Folklore Field Study," in Elliott M. Avedon and Brian Sutton-Smith, eds., The Study of Games New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1971.
[edit] Further reading
- Adrienne Mayor, "Bibliography of Classical Folklore Scholarship: Myths, Legends, and Popular Beliefs of Ancient Greece and Rome", from Folklore (April 2000)
[edit] External links
[edit] Malta
[edit] North America
 | Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Folklore |
- American Folklore
- American Folklore Society
- American Folklife Center
- Center for the Study of Upper Midwestern Cultures
- Folkstreams
- Western States Folklore Society
- Folklore Studies Association of Canada
- Folklore and Folklife Studies at Penn
- Indiana University's Folklore Program
- The Ohio State University Center for Folklore Studies
- Folklore Program at the University of California at Berkeley
- Memorial University of Newfoundland's Folklore Program
- Folklore Program at Western Kentucky University
- Folklore Program at Utah State University
- University of Oregon's Folklore Program
- Folklore Program at the University of North Carolina
- World Arts and Cultures Program of the University of California at Los Angeles
- Slavic and East European Folklore Association
- The Center for Studies in Oral Tradition, University of Missouri
- Oral Tradition Journal
- Folklore Program at University of Wisconsin
- McKissick Museum at the University of South Carolina
- Digital Traditions
- The Missouri Foklore Society
[edit] Russia
[edit] Slovakia
[edit] Ukraine
- Ukrainian Folklore Centre, University of Alberta
- Ukrainian Traditional Folklore, University of Alberta
[edit] United Kingdom
- Mysterious Britain & Ireland Folklore and legends of Britain and Ireland
- The Folklore Society, founded 1878 — very extensive links list among much else
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1 |
A REPUBLIC OF DYNASTIES - The feudal system is taking time to disappear from India | ||
| Cutting Corners - Ashok Mitra | ||
It is almost like the Unsinkable Molly Brown Hollywood had once made a celebrity out of; cheerfully or otherwise, the Republic of India takes all the buffetings it is subjected to. In one constituent state of the republic, the father is the chief minister and his son has recently been sworn in as deputy chief minister. Hardly any murmurs have been heard from any quarter, for has not the country experienced much weirder phenomena in the course of the past half-a-century? Not so long ago, in another state, a chief minister, temporarily disabled by the legal process, installed his wife in the slot; she carried on for months on end with none seemingly noticing anything less than right anywhere. The practice of keeping power within the family fold has now turned contagious, with dynasties emerging at a fast pace all over. You name a state, any state — Haryana, Karnataka, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu — a dynasty is either presiding over the administration or waiting in the wings. As the country’s most ancient political outfit, the Indian National Congress of course took the lead in the matter, with the father as the country’s prime minister and the daughter named as party president way back in 1958. That cosy arrangement set in motion a perpetual sequence people have tended to accept as a normal happening: three prime ministers of independent India have hailed from the same family; a fourth one is currently being groomed for the position. India may yet emerge over the next couple of decades as one of the technologically most advanced and, therefore, strategically one of the most important, countries in the world. But its system of governance might tenaciously adhere to the feudal doctrine of dynastic succession. To describe this situation as an Indian oddity is, it would be immediately pointed out, factually inaccurate. Just take a look at the topography of South Asia. Whether it is Pakistan or Bangladesh or Sri Lanka, dynasties are alive and kicking in each of these countries too. A theory could even be aired that, in view of the specificity of land relations in South Asia, the feudal curse has endured here longer than elsewhere. A bolder assertion is in fact conceivable. Even within a solidly democratic framework, dynasties can still play, it may be argued, an impressively constructive part if called upon to play a major role in administration. Have not members of particular families in the United States of America been dominant in national politics continuously for a number of generations without hurting a pie? The Roosevelts and the Kennedys did not at all spoil the ambience of democratic functioning in America, and that country has survived the aftershock of the two Bushes as well. The Doubting Thomases will not suspend their disquiet though. In the US, members of the same family have of course come to acquire and hold on to political power for long stretches, but they could do so only after going through the rough-and-tumble of precinct politics and all the rest of the routine; it was tough terrain, and they succeeded because they were able to prove their mettle; their pedigree had nothing to do with it. In India, on the other hand, the dynasties themselves decide the issue of succession; the approval of the people is taken for granted. True, formal democratic consent is sought subsequently; in most instances, such consent is not refused either. The uncomfortable feeling may still fail to disappear altogether. Memory could hark back to that eerie midnight episode in New Delhi a quarter of a century ago, when the country’s president, rushed back from a foreign trip to swear in a young man without any constitutional credentials as the nation’s new prime minister; the set-up was that of a rushed coup d’êtat. At this point, someone with a mawkish sense of humour can put in an additional input: even in a supposedly diehard communist regime as the People’s Republic of Korea, the present ruler has reportedly made up his mind to nominate one of his sons as his successor as the all powerful boss of the communist party and, simultaneously, head of the government. Dissenters will yet not yield. Opportunities, including opportunities to lead the nation, must, in their judgment, be equally available to all citizens, dynasties cannot be allowed to appropriate the prerogative. It is indeed theoretically possible for a dynasty to produce generation after generation of worthy offspring who prove themselves to be natural leaders. It could even happen that, while initially a bit of a dullard, someone from the dynasty, once named to a key position, picks up enough competence to shape into a successful administrator. The objection against a closed shop will nonetheless not be withdrawn. The simultaneous existence of a democratic system and delegating, on a permanent basis, the privilege to a single family to preside over it, appears to suffer from an internal contradiction. The contradiction persists because free, democratic, one-man-one-vote polls have not frowned upon the concept of dynastic succession. The vast majority of the electorate remains steeped in illiteracy, which coalesces with a frightening lack of social awareness. Those conditioned for ages to depend on the king and his emissaries are unable to shed their old reflexes even under the domain of a Constitution that provides them with equal rights with each and everybody else. The issue of class hardly breaks in either; it has been, in large parts of the country, shoved off the arena by the consanguinity of caste. But the allure of a monarchical order, fortified by dynastic succession, continues to overwhelm. For the present, there is little that can be done about it. Protesters may line up any number of arguments to establish how ill-suited the dynastic system is to the needs of the times. What, though, if the electorate decides otherwise? To express astonishment at the fact that a nation which sticks to the medieval principle of dynastic succession in its choice of rulers can yet have a stockpile of intellectual capability that could place it in the fore amongst nations is equally beside the point. The mandarins who have, over the centuries, guided the destiny of nations in the different continents have always been a narrow minority. They have managed to survive — and prosper — despite their vulnerability to forces unleashed in nether quarters. One particular worry may still linger: what if a dynasty, once ensconced in power, wants to put an end to what it considers the farce of democracy — and the mandarins are unable to dissuade them? Even in such a contingency, all need not be lost; the chances are that the other dynasties would then come together and seek to put a restraint on the vaulting ambition of one of their breed. However bitter the truth, it cannot be said that India is hopelessly out of alignment with history; the dynasties will take a while to fade away. Meanwhile, why not wring the last bit of wry humour out of the folklore around A.K. Fazlul Huq, premier of pre-Partition Bengal during 1937-42? His near relations came to occupy prize posts in government soon after his accession to the provincial administration. When charged with nepotism, his scornful response was, “What can I do if all my nephews happen to be brilliant?” |
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